Bitcoin & Crypto & NFT News
Yesterday I proposed a possible method to end the Chinese Bitcoin Mining Monopoly by embedding pro-freedom/anti-Chinese government tyranny information prohibited by the Chinese Government on the Bitcoin Blockchain. Original thread here: https://np.reddit.com/r/Bitcoin/comments/60apqg/a_proposal_for_a_simple_inexpensive_and_effective/
Here is the text embedded in the Bitcoin Blockchain:
Tiananmen Square, Beijing in June 1989. 展开 天安门，北京，1989年6月
“中国当局应将其亏欠的正义与究责还给屠杀幸存者及其家属，” 人权观察中国部主任索菲・理查森（Sophie Richardson）说。“1989年迄今政治打压，不但未能遏止要求基本自由与负责政府的呼声，反而使中共的合法性加倍流失。” 和往年同样，
2016年5月28日，成都当局以煽动颠覆罪名拘捕符海陆，他被怀疑在社交媒体发布贴有与「六四」有关标签的酒瓶图片。 据维权网披露，另有至少四人因为纪念「六四」而被警方拘留，包括成都诗人马青和北京维权人士徐彩虹、赵长青、张宝成。 当局并将多名维权人士软禁或限制行动，包括天安门母亲发起人丁子霖和山东退休教授孙文广。 著名记者高瑜虽在2015年11月获准保外就医出狱，仍须在家中服完五年刑期；一直受到实质软禁的前中共高干鲍彤，则被强迫以「旅游」名义离开北京。 1989年至今，中国政府一直违背国内法和国际人权法义务，严格限制基本人权──特别是言论、集会、结社自由和参政权。然而，对异议人士的不容忍，自2013年3月习近平掌权后更达高峰。中国政府正研拟或已通过数项新的国家安全法律，加强对公民社会的限制和管控；互联网和媒体言论空间受到进一步紧缩；数百名维权人士遭到拘押和判刑；意见领袖和自由派知识分子被刻意起诉；同时，政府还大力推行党领导一切的“正确思想”。
中国当局应将其亏欠的正义与究责还给屠杀幸存者及其家属 理查森 中国部主任, 人权观察 当局防范「六四」议题的另一方式，是禁止屠杀后逃亡海外的八九民运组织者或参与者返国。例如，前学生领袖吾尔开希、熊焱至今归国无门，两人虽曾在2013到2014年屡次闯关，但均遭香港当局拒绝入境。
尊重言论、结社与和平集会自由权，停止骚扰及任意拘押质疑「六四」官方说法的人士； 与天安门母亲成员会面，并向他们道歉； 允许对「六四」事件进行独立、公开的调查，并尽速将结果公诸大众； 允许因「六四」流亡海外的中国公民自由返国；以及 调查所有参与策划或指挥非法利用致命武力对付和平示威者的官员和军官，并公布死难者名单。 “自1989年以来，中国在政治改革方面不仅毫无进展，反而在原地踏步甚至向后退却，”理查森说。“北京要想向前跃进，就必须正视过去的伤痛。这不但有其他怀抱自信政府的先例可循，也是全中国的民心所向。” “自1989年以来，中国在政治改革方面不仅毫无进展，反而在原地踏步甚至向后退却，”理查森说。“北京要想向前跃进，就必须正视过去的伤痛。这不但有其他怀抱自信政府的先例可循，也是全中国的民心所向。” 区域／国家 亚洲 中国和西藏 主题 言论自由
China: Tell the Truth About Tiananmen on Anniversary
Repression of Rights at Post-1989 Peak Under President Xi
(New York) – The Chinese government should cease its denial about the state’s role in the massacre of unarmed pro-democracy protesters and citizens around June 4, 1989, and acknowledge the government’s responsibility for the killings, detentions, and persecution associated with suppression of the protests, Human Rights Watch said today.
Tiananmen Square, Beijing in June 1989.
Beijing should demonstrate that commitment by immediately ceasing its detention and harassment of individuals marking the occasion, meeting with survivors and their family members, and releasing Yu Shiwen, an activist held since July 2014 for commemorating the massacre.
“Chinese authorities owe a debt of justice and accountability to survivors of the massacre and their family members,” said Sophie Richardson, China director. “Political repression since 1989 has not eliminated yearnings for basic freedoms and an accountable government – instead it has only compounded the Party’s lack of legitimacy.”
As in previous years, authorities have been on high alert ahead of the anniversary to preempt commemorations of the massacre:
In Chengdu on May 28, 2016, authorities detained Fu Hailu on subversion charges; he is suspected of posting on social media images of liquor bottles with labels related to the crackdown. At least four others – poet Ma Qing in Chengdu, and activists Xu Caihong, Zhao Changqing, and Zhang Baocheng in Beijing – are believed to be in police custody for commemorating the occasion, according to the nongovernmental organization Chinese Human Rights Defenders. Authorities have also put under house arrest or restricted the movement of a number of activists, including Ding Zilin, a founding member of the Tiananmen Mothers, and retired Shandong professor Sun Wenguang. Prominent journalist Gao Yu, who in November 2015 was released from prison on medical parole to serve out her five year sentence at home, and former top official Bao Tong, who remains under effective house arrest, have been required to leave Beijing for enforced “vacations.” Since 1989, the Chinese government has kept tight control over basic human rights – particularly freedoms of expression, assembly, and association, and the right to political participation – despite its obligations under domestic and international human rights law. Intolerance toward dissent, however, has reached a new peak since President Xi Jinping came to power in March 2013. The government has drafted or promulgated new state security laws that put in place more restrictive controls over civil society; further curtailed expression on the Internet and media; detained and imprisoned hundreds of activists in successive waves of arrests; targeted for prosecution public opinion leaders and liberal thinkers; and aggressively promoted the “correct ideology” of Party supremacy.
While the last individual known to be imprisoned for his involvement in the 1989 protests will be released in October 2016, many who were involved in the demonstrations and who continued their activism after their release have been re-incarcerated. Yu Shiwen, who spent 18 months in prison for his 1989 work organizing pro-democracy efforts in Guangzhou, has been detained since 2014 for commemorating the massacre that year. Other veteran activists, including Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo, Sichuan activists Liu Xianbin and Chen Wei, and Guangdong activist Guo Feixiong are either serving long prison sentences or have been detained on political charges.
Chinese authorities owe a debt of justice and accountability to survivors of the massacre and their family members.
Authorities have also prevented discussions about the massacre by blocking organizers of, or participants in, the 1989 protests from returning from other countries where they sought refuge in the aftermath of the massacre. Former student leaders Wuer Kaixi and Xiong Yan, for example, have been unable to re-enter China. Their repeated attempts to return in 2013 and 2014 were rejected by Hong Kong authorities.
The Chinese government’s continued denial of the massacre of protesters and hostility toward peaceful political participation contrast sharply with developments elsewhere. In her May 2016 inaugural address, Tsai Ing-wen, Taiwan’s new president, vowed to “face the past” by setting up a new Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate “mistakes” of “the era” – which likely refers to the period of political repression known as the White Terror. After five decades of military dictatorship, Burma has begun a transition to electoral democracy.
Background: Bloodshed in 1989 The Tiananmen massacre was precipitated by the peaceful gatherings of students, workers, and others in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square and other cities in April 1989 calling for freedom of expression, accountability, and an end to corruption. The government responded to the intensifying protests in late May 1989 by declaring martial law.
On June 3 and 4, the military opened fire and killed untold numbers of peaceful protesters and bystanders. In Beijing, some citizens attacked army convoys and burned vehicles in response to the military’s violence. Following the killings, the government implemented a national crackdown and arrested thousands of people for “counter-revolution” and other criminal charges, including disrupting social order and arson.
The government has never accepted responsibility for the massacre or held any perpetrators legally accountable for the killings. It has refused to conduct an investigation into the events or release data on those who were killed, injured, disappeared, or imprisoned. The nongovernmental organization Tiananmen Mothers, consisting mostly of family members of those killed, has established the details of 202 people who were killed during the suppression of the movement in Beijing and other cities. Twenty-seven years on, many members of the Tiananmen Mothers are ailing and some have died without seeing justice or knowing precisely what has happened to their family members.
Human Rights Watch called on the Chinese government to use the opportunity of the 27th anniversary of June 4, 1989, to reverse its current position on the event. Specifically, it should:
Respect the rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly and cease the harassment and arbitrary detention of individuals who challenge the official account of June 4; Meet with and apologize to members of the Tiananmen Mothers; Permit an independent public inquiry into June 4, and promptly release its findings and conclusions to the public; Allow the unimpeded return of Chinese citizens exiled due to their connections to the events of 1989; and Investigate all government and military officials who planned or ordered the unlawful use of lethal force against peaceful demonstrators, and publish the names of all those who died. “Instead of advancing, China has stagnated, and even regressed, in terms of political reforms since 1989,” Richardson said. “Beijing can only move forward by facing up to its painful past, as others have had the confidence to do, and as people across China clearly want.”
At the very least, this is proving the concept of information delivery and storage utilizing the Bitcoin Blockchain bypassing international borders and laws.
You can verify that this has in fact been embedded in the Bitcoin Blockchain yourself here: http://www.cryptograffiti.info/#4901
What reaction do you think the tyrannical Chinese Government will have to this information being distributed within China by Bitcoin Miners hosting nodes inside of the Great Firewall of China? If this continues, at some point they will certainly take action to close this avenue of Freedom of Speech. Will they force the Miners to adopt a fork which rolls back the Blockchain to scrub this prohibited information from the Bitcoin Blockchain, and thus effectively create a new altcoin? Who will follow this new blockchain, and who will follow the original?